
As Parliament gears up for a special discussion on the 150th anniversary of Vande Mataram, one of India's most emotionally charged patriotic songs is once again at the centre of a political storm. What began as a hymn in a Bengali novel is today fuelling a fierce battle of narratives between the BJP and the Congress, over history, identity and nationalism.
On Monday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will open the debate in the Lok Sabha, followed by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh. The BJP has been allotted three hours in a session that will run nearly 10 hours. The Rajya Sabha will take it up the next day, with Home Minister Amit Shah leading the discussion.
But behind this nearly 150-year-old song lies a complex story, one shaped by literature, freedom struggle, religious imagery and political compromise. Here’s the journey and why it is sparking fresh controversy.
The latest flashpoint emerged last month during a commemorative event when PM Modi accused the Congress of "removing important stanzas" of Vande Mataram during its 1937 Faizabad session. He said this "tampering" weakened national unity and planted seeds of partition.
The Congress responded sharply, calling the claim a distortion of history. It argued that the 1937 decision was taken after detailed deliberations by a Working Committee that included Mahatma Gandhi, Nehru, Patel, Subhas Bose, Rajendra Prasad and other stalwarts.
Their reason: only the first two stanzas were widely sung and free from religious imagery that could alienate some communities. The rest invoked Hindu goddess symbolism, which leaders feared could limit the song's unifying appeal.
The party also pointed to Rabindranath Tagore's advice, he believed that any national symbol must be inclusive and never force religious imagery upon all citizens.
This back-and-forth has now set the stage for a charged discussion inside Parliament.
Vande Mataram was composed by Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay around 1875 and later appeared in his novel Anandamath (1881). The story revolves around ascetic revolutionaries who worship the motherland—depicted through symbolic images of the past, present and future.
While some stanzas carried Hindu goddess metaphors, the central idea celebrated the homeland as a shared mother.
By the early 1900s, Vande Mataram had travelled far beyond literature. It became the electric slogan of the anti-partition agitation in Bengal:
In 1906, over 10,000 Hindus and Muslims marched together in Barisal shouting Vande Mataram, reflecting its early cross-community appeal.
The British, alarmed by its power, tried suppressing it, banning its recitation in schools and lathi-charging crowds.
In 1907, when Madam Bhikaji Cama unfurled the first tricolour abroad in Stuttgart, Vande Mataram was written on it.
It wasn't an attempt to "break" the song.
Documents show the Working Committee explicitly noted that:
This was one of the last major cultural decisions taken jointly by Gandhi, Nehru, Patel, Bose and others before independence.
On 24 January 1950, Dr Rajendra Prasad made a crucial announcement:
His statement was applauded. No member objected.
This dual recognition was meant to preserve both inclusivity and respect for history.
The BJP argues that the Congress diluted a symbol of civilizational pride. It claims the 1937 decision was an early example of "appeasement," and that the full song reflects India's cultural roots.
The Congress says:
The Jamiat accepts the first two stanzas but firmly rejects the remaining verses, arguing they contain goddess imagery that is incompatible with Islamic theology.
Maulana Mahmood Madani stated that reciting verses depicting the motherland as goddess Durga amounts to worship beyond Allah, which Muslims cannot do.
This position has remained unchanged for decades.
At its heart, the fight is about:
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