Rahul Gandhi’s Women’s Rhetoric Falls Flat Against Modi Government’s Record

The Modi Government has advanced women's rights by shifting from welfare to rights-based development. It enacted laws abolishing triple talaq and mandating one-third reservation for women in legislatures. Economic programs like MUDRA, Start-up India, and Lakhpati Didi have promoted female entrepreneurship and financial independence.

(This article has been authored by A Sakthivel (Lawyer | Social Commentator | Associated with the BJP Media Department). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author. Asianet Newsable does not endorse, support, or necessarily reflect the views, opinions, claims or assertions expressed in this article.)

Modi Government’s Record on Women’s Rights

Rahul Gandhi’s recent remarks on women’s empowerment in Pune may sound appealing, but they raise a larger question: Should women’s empowerment be judged by political speeches or by the laws, opportunities and institutions created for women? On this measure, the record of the Narendra Modi Government is substantial, while Congress has repeatedly found itself on the wrong side of important reforms concerning women.

The Modi Government’s approach to women’s empowerment has been fundamentally different. It has moved from welfare alone to rights, dignity, representation, financial independence, entrepreneurship and women-led development. From abolishing instant triple talaq to providing constitutional backing for one-third reservation for women in legislatures, the government has undertaken reforms that directly address the social, economic and political position of women.

The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Marriage) Act, 2019, which made instant triple talaq void and provided legal protection to Muslim women, was one such historic reform. Instead of welcoming a measure intended to protect Muslim women from an arbitrary practice, Congress opposed the legislation during its passage. The political question therefore remains: When Congress speaks about protecting women’s rights today, why did it oppose a law that sought to give legal protection and dignity to Muslim women?

The same contradiction is visible in the case of the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, the Constitution (106th Amendment) Act, 2023. The law provides for one-third reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies, subject to the constitutional framework for its implementation. It represents one of the most significant structural reforms for women’s political representation in independent India. Yet Congress and its allies have

raised objections to the delimitation process linked to implementation of women’s reservation. If Congress genuinely believes in 33 percent political representation for women, why does it object to the constitutional mechanism through which that representation is to become a reality?

This is not merely a political disagreement. It exposes a deeper problem in Congress’s approach. It wants to claim the political benefits of speaking about women’s reservation while creating resistance when the constitutional process for delivering that reservation moves forward. Women deserve representation, not political double standards.

The irony becomes even sharper when Congress’s own record in the states is examined. In Karnataka, where Congress is in power, the party has faced questions over the absence of a woman in the state Council of Ministers. A party that speaks about empowering women at the national level should be able to demonstrate that commitment in its own government and organisational decisions.

Congress also has questions to answer about the treatment of women within its own organisation. Priyanka Chaturvedi left Congress after objecting to the reinstatement of party workers whom she said had misbehaved with and threatened her. Radhika Khera subsequently left Congress after publicly raising allegations of harassment and disrespect within the party. These episodes inevitably raise a question: Before lecturing the country about women’s dignity, can Congress demonstrate that dignity and respect are guaranteed to women within its own political organisation?

Women’s Economic Empowerment Under Modi

The Modi Government’s record, meanwhile, extends far beyond legislation. The economic empowerment of women is one of the clearest examples. Under Pradhan Mantri MUDRA Yojana, women account for 68 percent of beneficiaries. As of April 2026, more than 57.79 crore loans worth ₹40.07 lakh crore had been sanctioned cumulatively, with roughly two-thirds going to women entrepreneurs.

This is what empowerment looks like on the ground. A woman who receives institutional credit is not merely receiving government assistance. She is getting the means to start or expand a business, generate income and participate in the formal economy. The Modi Government has therefore sought to transform women from beneficiaries into entrepreneurs, employers and economic decision-makers.

The same transformation can be seen in Start-up India. Nearly half of DPIIT-recognised startups have at least one woman director. Government data has highlighted more than 75,000 women-led startups supported through the Start-up India ecosystem. The message is clear: women are not being confined to traditional sectors. They are increasingly becoming founders, innovators and business leaders.

The story of rural women is equally powerful. Lakhpati Didi has become one of the most important examples of women-led development in rural India. The initiative aims to enable women in Self-Help Groups to achieve a sustainable annual income of at least ₹1 lakh. By May 2026, more than 3.07 crore rural women had become Lakhpati Didis, according to the Ministry of Rural Development. By July 2026, the government reported that more than 3.46 crore SHG members had been enabled as Lakhpati Didis.

This is a profound social transformation. The woman who once depended entirely on the household economy is increasingly becoming an income earner, entrepreneur and decision-maker. Through Self-Help Groups, bank credit, skills, technology and market access, rural women are being connected to the formal economy.

The NaMo Drone Didi initiative takes this empowerment a step further by bringing modern technology into the hands of rural women. Women’s Self-Help Groups are being trained to operate drones for agricultural applications, creating a new source of livelihood while bringing technology to India’s villages. The government has approved an outlay of ₹1,261 crore with a target of providing 15,000 drones to selected women SHGs.

The financial inclusion story is equally significant. As of July 2026, 32.68 crore Jan Dhan accounts belonged to women, giving millions of women direct access to formal banking and government financial systems. Under Stand-Up India, more than two lakh women entrepreneurs have been supported in establishing greenfield enterprises.

Laws, Employment and Women-Led Development

The legislative record is also extensive. The Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act, 2017 increased paid maternity leave for eligible women from 12 weeks to 26 weeks and introduced provisions concerning crèche facilities and work from home. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2018 strengthened provisions relating to sexual offences, including stringent punishment for rape of minors.

The Code on Wages, 2019 strengthened the framework for gender equality in remuneration. The Surrogacy (Regulation) Act, 2021 sought to protect women from exploitation, while the Medical Termination of Pregnancy (Amendment) Act, 2021 expanded access to safe and legal abortion services in specified circumstances.

The larger picture is therefore unmistakable. The government data shows that women’s employment has nearly doubled between 2017-18 and 2023-24, while the gender budget has increased by 429 percent over the last decade. The government describes this shift as moving from women’s development to women-led development.

This is the real political debate Rahul Gandhi should engage with Women’s empowerment cannot begin and end with speeches. It must be measured by whether women have greater rights, greater representation, greater access to capital, greater economic independence and greater dignity.

Congress has repeatedly opposed or questioned some of the Modi Government’s most significant measures in this field, from the Triple Talaq legislation to the political process surrounding women’s reservation. At the same time, its own record on representation and the treatment of women within the organisation raises uncomfortable questions.

The Modi Government’s model is different. It is not merely asking women to participate in India’s development; it is creating conditions for women to lead that development.

From Triple Talaq to Nari Shakti Vandan, from MUDRA to Start-up India, from Jan Dhan to Lakhpati Didi, and from Namo Drone Didi to greater political representation, the emphasis is on giving women rights, resources, opportunities and a larger voice.

So, when Congress speaks about women’s empowerment, the country is entitled to ask one simple question: Where was this commitment when the opportunity came to turn women’s empowerment into law?

Because in the end, women do not need political lectures on empowerment. They need laws that protect them, opportunities that strengthen them and institutions that give them a voice. That is the record the Modi Government has been building.