Asianet Newsable

Zebra Or Donkey? Viral Zoo Video From China Has Everyone Looking Twice (WATCH VIRAL CLIP)

Gargi Chaudhry — Tue, 23 Jun 2026 15:48:43 +0530

A wildlife park in eastern China has come under fire after visitors discovered that one of its supposed zebras was actually a donkey painted with black stripes, triggering widespread ridicule online. Video footage from Qingyun Mountain Folk Custom Amusement Park in Anqiu, Weifang, revealed that one of the park's zebras was actually a donkey with crudely applied stripes that failed to conceal the animal's long ears and other distinguishing features. Visitors quickly recognised the deception after spotting other donkeys.

As clips of the “zebra” spread across social media, the park faced a barrage of criticism. A staff member retorted that the animal was never intended to be mistaken for a genuine zebra. The employee stated that no sign outside the cage suggested the painted donkey was a real zebra and that it was meant to be a light-hearted "cosplay" attraction meant to amuse guests. The worker acknowledged that the park has previously tried out similar renovations.

Watch Viral Video

Donkey Painted Like Zebra at Chinese Zoo Sparks Reactions Online pic.twitter.com/sKvs8s6nUy

— Iamelizabeth (@elizabethblogng) June 22, 2026

The incident is the latest in a line of strange occurrences at Chinese zoos and amusement parks. In 2025, another park in Shandong province garnered controversy for displaying a donkey painted to resemble a zebra. A year ago, Taizhou Zoo provoked anger by colouring two chow chow dogs black and orange to resemble tigers.

Animal rights advocates accused the zoo of cruelty, but administrators defended the practice, claiming that humans colour their hair and that natural dyes could be used safely on long-haired canines. In another contentious incident in 2024, visitors to a zoo in Shanwei discovered animals are portrayed as pandas were actually canines painted with black-and-white markings.

The latest “zebra” controversy has once again reignited debates over animal welfare and deceptive attractions, while social media users mocked the park’s unusual attempt at creativity.

China Admits Its Engineers Were Inside Pakistan Air Base During Conflict With India

Anish Kumar — Fri, 08 May 2026 20:43:44 +0530

New Delhi: In what amounts to a stunning admission, China has officially confirmed for the first time that its engineers provided on-site technical support to Pakistan during last May's military conflict with India – a claim India had repeatedly made. China's state broadcaster CCTV on Thursday aired an interview with Zhang Heng, an engineer from the Aviation Industry Corporation of China's (AVIC) Chengdu Aircraft Design and Research Institute – the very facility that builds China's most advanced fighter jets. Zhang was stationed at a Pakistani air base during the conflict.

India Said It. China Confirmed It.

India had on multiple occasions asserted that China was actively involved in supporting Pakistani operations during the May conflict.

For months, those claims were brushed aside. Now, straight from Beijing's own state media, comes the confirmation India had been waiting for.

Zhang himself described the conditions on the ground: “At the support base, we frequently heard the roar of fighter jets taking off and the constant wail of air-raid sirens. By late morning in May, the temperature was already approaching 50 degrees Celsius. It was a real ordeal for us, both mentally and physically.”

That's not a support role from thousands of kilometres away. That's boots on the ground.

The J-10CE Factor

Pakistan's Chinese-supplied J-10CE fighters – the export variant of the 4.5-generation J-10C – are now at the centre of the story.

During the conflict, at least one of these jets is reported to have shot down a French-made Rafale fighter operated by India, the Chinese engineer claimed.

It was a historic first on two counts – the J-10CE's first confirmed air combat kill, and the first time a Rafale had ever been downed in combat.

AVIC engineer Xu Da, who was also embedded with Pakistani forces, called the J-10CE their “child.” He said: "We nurtured it, cared for it, and finally handed it over to the user. And now, it was facing a major test."

He added: "As for the outstanding results the J-10CE achieved, we weren't very surprised... it felt inevitable."

The Numbers Tell the Story

Pakistan is the only known foreign operator of the J-10C. It ordered 36 of the jets along with 250 PL-15 air-to-air missiles back in 2020.

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, a staggering 80 per cent of Pakistan's arms imports between 2021 and 2025 came from China.

In other words, Pakistan didn't just fly Chinese jets in that conflict. It flew Chinese jets, armed with Chinese missiles, with Chinese engineers on standby at the base.

India’s Assertion Lieutenant General Rahul R Singh, the deputy chief of Indian Army made the most direct statement at the FICCI 'New Age Military Technologies' event on July 4, 2025. He had said: “We had one border and two adversaries, actually three. Pakistan was in the front. China was providing all possible support... When DGMO-level talks were on, Pakistan had the live updates of our important vectors, from China.”

His revelations were described as the first public official acknowledgment of China's real-time support to Pakistan during Operation Sindoor.

Pakistan Launches EO-3 Satellite, but 'First Image' Sparks Authenticity Debate

Anish Kumar — Sat, 02 May 2026 12:37:26 +0530

New Delhi: On April 25, social media feeds across Pakistan lit up with what users were calling a watershed moment. SUPARCO, the country's space agency, had just placed its EO-3 Earth observation satellite — the third and final unit in its PRSC-EO constellation — into orbit aboard a Chinese Long March 6 rocket from the Taiyuan launch centre.

BREAKINGPakistan successfully launches SUPARCO’s indigenous Electro-Optical Satellite “EO-3” from Taiyuan Satellite Launch Center. pic.twitter.com/huVUPxOhr7

— BBN (@BBN_Press) April 25, 2026

And now, Pakistanis were told, they were looking at the satellite's first photograph — a high-resolution aerial image of Karachi Port, crisp and detailed, offered as proof that Pakistan had crossed into serious spacefaring territory.

The celebrations lasted a few hours. Independent researchers cross-referencing the image against SUPARCO's own website noticed something that could not be easily explained away: the photograph carried a timestamp from months earlier in 2025, predating EO-3's launch by a considerable margin.

A likely fake SUPARCO Facebook page run by a malicious actor circulated doctored imagery suggesting they were linked to Pakistan’s recently launched EO-3 satellite, checks confirm images are outdated or manipulated however content has spread widely among unaware audiences pic.twitter.com/7f98T1R0PP

— Damien Symon (@detresfa_) April 30, 2026

The image that had been shared across thousands of accounts as a landmark achievement had, in all likelihood, nothing to do with the newly launched satellite. It was, at best, unverified archival imagery. At worst, it was a deliberate attempt to manufacture a moment that had not yet occurred.

What makes the episode significant is not just the error — institutions make errors — but where it sits in SUPARCO's longer history. This is not an agency encountering growing pains. It is an agency with a six-decade track record of substituting spectacle for substance, and the EO-3 photograph is simply the latest expression of an institutional habit that has never been corrected.

Pakistan's space programme began in 1961, making the country one of Asia's earliest entrants into the space age — SUPARCO pre-dated ISRO by eight years. That head start, over the following decades, was squandered with a consistency that borders on systematic.

The ITU allotted five slots to Pakistan in 1984, but Pakistan failed to launch any satellites until 1995, was granted an extension, and then failed again to meet the deadline, losing four of its prime geostationary orbital positions. Those positions are gone. They will not be returned.

SUPARCO's Badr-B launch

In 2001, SUPARCO launched Badr-B — also known as Badr-2 — with substantial domestic fanfare, describing it as a major milestone in Earth observation capability. It soon went out of control and was lost to space. There was no public post-mortem. The satellite was quietly dropped from official discourse, and the programme moved forward as if nothing had failed.

The pattern of overstating achievement reached perhaps its most brazen expression in 2002, when President Pervez Musharraf publicly declared Pakistan's space programme ahead of India's following the acquisition of Paksat-1. What Musharraf did not say — what emerged later — was that Paksat-1 was not a Pakistani satellite in any meaningful sense.

It was a satellite originally designed for Indonesia that, after a battery problem rendered it partially inoperable, was sold to Pakistan for around five million dollars and renamed Paksat-1. It had passed through multiple owners before arriving in Pakistani hands. Pakistan presented it to the nation and the world as a domestic achievement.

The EO-3 situation sits in this lineage. The satellite itself is genuine — SUPARCO states that EO-3 was fully designed, developed, and built at its Satellite Research and Development Centre, making it part of the first series of truly indigenous electro-optical satellites in Pakistan's history. SUPARCO has not publicly confirmed its precise resolution specifications, but it is intended for high-resolution imagery in support of agriculture, disaster management, urban planning, and national security applications.

But in an era where open-source intelligence analysts can trace image metadata, cross-reference timestamps, and publish findings within hours, this kind of fabrication does not survive. It gets caught. And when it gets caught, the legitimate achievement beneath it gets buried.

Pakistan successfully placed a satellite in orbit — the third in a functioning constellation that is already delivering remote sensing data. Instead of holding that headline, SUPARCO handed critics something far easier to write about. The agency has been doing this, in various forms, for decades.

The names and the satellites change. The instinct — to dress up reality rather than report it — has never been seriously examined, and, judging by this week's events, has never been changed.

The Ticking Clock: How Teesta's Cost Overruns Could Quietly Mortgage Bangladesh's Strategic Autonomy

Anish Kumar — Sun, 21 Jun 2026 21:03:19 +0530

For Bangladesh, the Teesta River Comprehensive Management and Restoration Project was never merely an infrastructure venture. It was a strategic gamble — premised on the assumption that Chinese financing could substitute for Indian cooperation stalled by domestic politics in New Delhi and Kolkata.

As the project remains in its pre-construction phase after nearly a decade of delays, and as loan negotiations with Beijing gather pace, Bangladesh is discovering an uncomfortable truth: in loan-backed infrastructure diplomacy, delays are never neutral. They are a slow transfer of leverage.

When Delays Become Debt Spirals

Large-scale river management projects are inherently complex. Engineering interventions across flood-prone basins, coordinating land acquisition, managing seasonal construction windows, and deploying specialised dredging and embankment technology all invite timeline overruns.

The Teesta project — first discussed under a 2016 MOU with POWERCHINA, formally revived with an MOU extension in January 2025, and still awaiting a finalised loan agreement — illustrates precisely this risk. The project has not yet broken ground, and already its cost estimates have been revised upward and its timelines repeatedly pushed back.

The pattern established by other Chinese-financed projects in Bangladesh offers a cautionary template. When loan agreements are delayed, as has happened repeatedly across Chinese-backed infrastructure in the country, costs escalate and the burden falls on the borrower. Interest accrual on disbursed tranches, commitment fees on undisbursed ones, and the costs of extended project preparation: these accumulate quietly but consistently. Bangladesh, navigating a post-2024 political transition and grappling with fiscal pressures flagged by the IMF — including weak tax revenues, banking sector vulnerabilities, and elevated inflation — would absorb any such escalation at a particularly difficult moment.

The original loan-to-benefit calculation, already subject to scrutiny by the Chinese side itself, could be revised upward on the liability side without a corresponding revision in projected returns.

Leverage Migrates Toward the Creditor

There is a structural logic to how cost escalation reshapes negotiating dynamics in sovereign infrastructure lending. Early in a project, the borrower retains meaningful leverage: disbursements are partial, exit remains theoretically possible, and alternative financing can be explored.

As construction advances and costs escalate, this leverage migrates. Sunk costs deepen commitment. Technical systems — embedded and partially operational — create switching costs that make exit prohibitively expensive. The creditor, by contrast, holds the refinancing card: the ability to restructure, extend, or re-price terms in exchange for continued project viability.

For Bangladesh, this dynamic is particularly consequential because the Teesta project is not a standalone road or port. It is foundational water infrastructure with direct implications for agricultural productivity, flood management, and the livelihoods of tens of millions of people in the northwest of the country.

Abandoning or restructuring midway would not be a purely fiscal decision. It would be a political one with immediate human costs. The structural asymmetry that results does not require overt coercion to shape outcomes; it operates quietly, orienting Dhaka's preferences and constraining what positions it can afford to take in broader diplomatic contexts.

Fiscal Compression and the Narrowing of Strategic Choice

The fiscal consequences extend beyond the Teesta balance sheet. Escalating repayment obligations consume budget space that Bangladesh might otherwise deploy toward negotiated cooperation with India, toward multilateral water governance frameworks, or toward building independent hydrological capacity. Fiscal compression is, in effect, strategic compression.

A government managing tightening debt-service obligations — Bangladesh's interest payments already consumed more than half of government revenue expenses in the first four months of fiscal year 2024-25 — has less room to absorb the short-term political costs of re-engaging with difficult partners, less flexibility to fund parallel infrastructure diplomacy, and reduced credibility in presenting itself as a sovereign actor with genuine optionality.

This is where the India dimension becomes critical. India possesses what no external creditor can replicate: shared basin geography, decades of hydrological data on the Teesta's flow patterns, and an intrinsic stake in the river's downstream management. Cooperation with India on Teesta, while politically complex, would not introduce a financial dependency spiral. It would not embed foreign technical systems into sovereign water infrastructure. And it would not gradually narrow the fiscal and diplomatic space Bangladesh needs to act as a genuinely autonomous regional player.

The Compounding Cost of Delay

The most significant risk is not that Bangladesh cannot complete the Teesta project. It is that by the time completion arrives, the cumulative weight of financial obligation, technical entrenchment, and compressed fiscal flexibility will have quietly restructured the terms on which Dhaka engages its neighbourhood. Infrastructure delays are recoverable. The erosion of strategic autonomy — mortgaged incrementally through each revised loan negotiation and each year of deepening technical dependency — is far harder to reclaim.

Nepal's Hydropower Dream, China's Leverage: The Infrastructure Trap Tightening Around Kathmandu

Anish Kumar — Fri, 01 May 2026 16:19:14 +0530

New Delhi: Nepal runs on rivers. Roughly 6,000 of them, fed by Himalayan snowmelt, are capable of generating an estimated 83,000 megawatts of electricity by older technical assessments — with more recent government studies putting the economically viable figure closer to 42,000 to 72,000 megawatts, of which less than five per cent has been developed. That gap has long attracted foreign capital, and in recent years, no capital has arrived as consistently or as purposefully as China's.

China is now Nepal's largest source of approved foreign direct investment commitments.

The money flows into hydropower first, then roads, then manufacturing, all channelled through a framework Beijing calls the Trans-Himalayan Multi-dimensional Connectivity Network. The name is bureaucratic, but the logic behind it is not.

Nepal's river

Nepal's rivers sit between two of Asia's most consequential powers. Whoever builds the infrastructure to move the water, the power, and the people controls something more valuable than the electricity itself.

Chinese firms have proposed and pursued projects across Nepal's river systems, including the West Seti hydropower scheme, a 750-megawatt storage project on the Seti River carrying a revised price tag of over two billion dollars, though China's own companies ultimately withdrew from that project in 2018, leaving it to be picked up by an Indian developer.

A series of cross-border road and rail connections, designed to link Kathmandu with Tibet, remains active. Construction on these corridors gives Chinese contractors years of presence on the ground, familiarity with terrain, and control over supply chains that Nepali firms rarely get access to.

China's money

The financing model is where the leverage enters. China lends through state-backed institutions at rates and on terms that are rarely made fully public.

Nepal's finance ministry has acknowledged growing repayment obligations without providing comprehensive figures for all BRI-related commitments.

Debt-to-GDP ratios tell part of the story, but the more immediate problem is structural — when a country owes money specifically to the party building its infrastructure, the creditor's willingness to be flexible on repayment is never far from the borrower's political calculations.

Sri Lanka learned this at Hambantota. Zambia learned it through Chinese-financed mining and infrastructure deals that left it unable to restructure debt without ceding further leverage to Beijing.

Nepal's situation is not identical to either, but the underlying geometry is familiar. A landlocked country with urgent development needs and limited domestic capital accepts investment that a wealthier or better-positioned government might scrutinise more carefully. The repayment clock starts. And then the conversations change.

Nepal's water is an asset. The Trans-Himalayan Connectivity Network is a frame for that asset's commercialisation, and China's consistent presence in that frame is neither accidental nor purely altruistic. The question Kathmandu has not yet been forced to answer publicly is what happens when the electricity deals, the road contracts and the loan repayment schedules all mature at the same time, and the counterparty on every line is Beijing.

For now, Nepal's government treats Chinese investment as a necessary supplement to domestic capital and Indian engagement. The dams get built, the roads get widened, and the numbers in the bilateral trade ledger grow. What grows alongside them, more quietly, is the list of things Nepal's government will find increasingly difficult to say no to.

Man Wearing Turban, Upside-Down Tricolour : Anti-Indian Taiwan Billboard Triggers Outrage (WATCH)

Divya Danu — Tue, 19 May 2026 14:42:51 +0530

A political billboard in Taiwan’s Kaohsiung city has sparked outrage after local candidate Lee Hung-yi appeared to campaign against Indians using imagery many called racist. The controversy comes amid debates over recruiting Indian migrant workers.

A controversial political billboard in Taiwan has triggered outrage online and raised concerns among Indian-origin residents after a local election candidate appeared to campaign against Indians using imagery many people described as racist and discriminatory.

The billboard was reportedly placed on Shanming Road in Kaohsiung’s Siaogang District and belongs to local council candidate Lee Hung-yi. The poster shows a crossed-out illustration of a brown-skinned man wearing a turban and facial hair, along with what appeared to be an upside-down Indian flag.

Lee Hung-yi, running for city council in Kaohsiung, Taiwan, ran a “no” sign over a man with a turban and an Indian flag. Says he doesn’t like Indian labor.Indians are roaring, but Lee not backing down. No Indians! pic.twitter.com/NVrPo0nfkz

— Jared Taylor (@RealJarTaylor) May 14, 2026

Many social media users and residents interpreted the billboard as a direct message against Indians and migrant workers from India.

The incident has now become part of a wider debate in Taiwan over migrant labour, race, political campaigning and relations with India.

The visuals on the billboard shocked several members of Taiwan’s Indian community. Residents quoted in local reports said they felt uncomfortable, targeted and unwelcome after seeing the campaign material displayed publicly.

Some people described it as one of the most openly anti-Indian political displays they had ever seen in Taiwan.

The issue gained more attention after videos and pictures of the billboard went viral on social media platforms, where users from different countries shared sharply divided opinions.

Indians in Taiwan say racism is rising after a political candidate promised to BAN Indian workers from entering the country.One campaign poster reportedly showed a man in a turban alongside the Indian flag both crossed out with a giant ❌.As Taiwan faces labor shortages… pic.twitter.com/KzgAitqveX

— Sourabh (@vellasrv) May 19, 2026

While many condemned the billboard as racist and harmful, others defended the candidate’s right to oppose immigration policies.

The controversy quickly spread online, leading to thousands of comments and debates. Several users claimed the campaign reflected growing anti-Indian sentiment in parts of East Asia, while others argued it was linked more to local politics and labour concerns.

Some social media users alleged that the candidate was linked to pro-China politics and claimed the billboard was designed to favour Chinese migrants over Indian workers.

The Taiwanese are not particularly fond of Indians. One political candidate in Kaohsiung vows to ban Indians from immigrating. pic.twitter.com/bKrvIoXi0W

— Ian Miles Cheong (@ianmiles) May 18, 2026

Others accused political groups of using fear and stereotypes to win support before local elections.

A number of comments openly mocked Indians or used insulting language, which further increased criticism of the campaign. At the same time, some users defended India and pointed out the close connections between Indians and Taiwanese living abroad, especially in places like the United States.

Other users argued that Taiwan should decide its own immigration policies without outside pressure, while some criticised racism and hate-based political messaging.

The online debate also included comments connecting the issue to wider tensions involving China and Taiwan.

The billboard controversy comes during a larger political debate in Taiwan over plans to recruit workers from India to help solve labour shortages.

In 2024, India and Taiwan signed a labour mobility agreement aimed at helping Taiwanese industries facing worker shortages. The agreement focused on bringing Indian workers into sectors where labour demand remains high.

However, the move has faced resistance from sections of the opposition, especially members of the Kuomintang or KMT.

Some opposition leaders raised concerns that migrant workers could leave contracts illegally or create social and public safety problems.

Certain lawmakers reportedly cited crime statistics from India while arguing against large-scale recruitment of Indian workers. Critics of these arguments say such statements unfairly stereotype an entire nationality and create fear.

Ruling party pushes back against anti-Indian messaging

Taiwan’s ruling Democratic Progressive Party or DPP strongly criticised messaging seen as targeting Indians.

Party leaders argued that Indian workers would follow the same laws and regulations that apply to all migrant workers in Taiwan.

DPP legislator Rosalia Wu reportedly warned that political leaders should not use populist campaigns to spread racial discrimination or fear against specific communities.

Supporters of the labour agreement also pointed out that Taiwan already employs workers from countries such as Vietnam and Indonesia in large numbers.

Some commentators argued that focusing only on Indian workers while ignoring workers from other nations raises questions about bias and selective targeting.

This is not the first time discussions around Indian workers have caused controversy in Taiwan.

Last year, comments by former labour minister Hsu Ming-chun created diplomatic discomfort after she reportedly suggested recruiting workers from India’s northeast because of “similar skin colour”.

The remarks triggered backlash both online and offline. Taiwan’s foreign ministry later apologised over the controversy.

The latest billboard dispute has once again brought attention to how migrant workers from India are being discussed in Taiwan’s political space.

No official response yet from India

So far, Ministry of External Affairs has not issued any official statement regarding the billboard controversy.

However, the issue has gained significant attention among Indian social media users, with many demanding that political leaders in Taiwan condemn the imagery and prevent racial targeting during election campaigns.

Some users also called for stronger diplomatic engagement between India and Taiwan to prevent similar incidents in the future.

Labour shortages remain a major issue in Taiwan

Taiwan continues to face labour shortages in several industries, especially manufacturing, healthcare and caregiving sectors.

Experts say migrant workers are important for supporting Taiwan’s economy and ageing population.

Supporters of the India-Taiwan labour agreement believe Indian workers can help meet labour demands while also improving economic ties between the two regions.

But critics fear that immigration changes could affect jobs, wages or public services, leading to political opposition.

The growing political fight over migrant workers has now expanded into a broader debate about race, identity and nationalism in Taiwan.

Ink Still Wet: How China's Seventeen-Point Agreement Changed Tibet After The 1950 PLA Entry

Anish Kumar — Fri, 22 May 2026 15:27:04 +0530

New Delhi: Communist China has long presented the 1951 Seventeen-Point Agreement as proof that Tibet's annexation was peaceful. Beijing’s official account holds that the agreement guaranteed Tibetan political autonomy, religious freedom, and a gradual, measured transition into the People’s Republic. The story China tells is one of liberation, not occupation.

The history of what actually happened tells a very different story.

Even before the agreement’s provisions could take root, the CCP and the PLA were already reshaping Tibetan society – through military pressure, political manipulation, and the slow dismantling of institutions that had defined Tibetan life for centuries. The promises were made. The violations followed almost immediately. The bad faith started before the ink was even dry.

To understand why, you have to look at the sequence of events that produced the agreement in the first place. The PLA had already conquered eastern Tibet by force in October 1950, months before anything was signed in Beijing in May 1951. The agreement did not come before the occupation. It came after and gave it a diplomatic face. When a PLA vanguard of around 3,000 troops marched into Lhasa in September 1951, they were entering a capital whose government had been coerced into signing under threat of further military force, with no real structures of shared governance anywhere in sight.

Instead of building institutions that gave Tibetan leaders a meaningful role, the PLA set about cementing its own dominance. Tibetan officials and military personnel were steadily pushed into ceremonial positions. The real decisions – the ones that mattered – were made by Chinese military commanders and Communist Party cadres. Tibetan leaders were consulted in name. In practice, they were sidelined.

A genuine transfer of authority conducted in good faith would have looked completely different. It would have meant negotiation between equals, with legal and administrative arrangements settled before any large military presence arrived.

In Tibet, the army came first. Political accommodation was supposed to follow. It never came.

From the very beginning, Tibetans had almost no leverage in their own affairs. What happened next made the hollowness of the agreement impossible to ignore.

In the Tibetan areas of Kham and Amdo, land reform and collectivisation campaigns were underway by late 1955 and 1956. Traditional landholding systems – the economic and social fabric of those communities – were dismantled. Monasteries lost their economic standing. Ordinary people faced escalating political pressure with no recourse and no protection.

These were not development programmes. They were ideological campaigns, enforced by a military power that had no intention of waiting for Tibetan consent. This was precisely what the agreement had promised would not happen.

Seventeen-Point Agreement gave an explicit assurance

Tibet's existing political and social systems would remain in place unless Tibetans themselves chose to change them. That assurance was broken within a few years.

People resisted. Armed uprisings broke out across Kham and Amdo from 1956, as communities fought back against the destruction of their way of life. The 1959 Lhasa uprising was not a sudden explosion. It was the result of years of broken promises, mounting grievances, and a people who had been told they were partners slowly realising they were subjects.

Religious and cultural life came under pressure too and earlier than Beijing has ever acknowledged. Monasteries, which sat at the centre of Tibetan spiritual and communal life, were placed under political surveillance not long after the troops settled in.

Senior monks were leaned on to demonstrate loyalty to the CCP. Religious authority was recast as feudal backwardness, an obstacle to the socialist future being built around and over Tibetan society. Culture was not protected. It was slowly subordinated.

None of this was accidental. The CCP never treated the Seventeen-Point Agreement as a genuine commitment. It was a tool, a way to dress up in diplomatic language a control that had already been seized by force.

The occupation came first. The paperwork followed. And the promises written into that paperwork were abandoned almost as soon as they were made.

The Seventeen-Point Agreement was not a negotiated peace. It was a cover for a conquest that had already happened and a society already being taken apart, piece by piece.

Who Truly Speaks For Global South? Global South Debate Grows As India, Brazil And China Shape Their Global Leadership Vision

Girish Linganna — Sun, 10 May 2026 14:44:02 +0530

These days, the words "Global South" are heard almost everywhere. World leaders use it in big international meetings, prime ministers mention it in their speeches, and even policy papers are full of it. The way people speak about it, you would think the Global South is like one big family of countries, all sitting together, all wanting the same things. But the real picture is not so simple.

In simple words, the Global South means the developing and poorer countries of the world, mostly in Asia, Africa and Latin America. These nations are not part of the rich Western club like America and Europe. The idea of these countries coming together and not depending on any one superpower sounds powerful, especially today when the world feels unstable, with wars, trade tensions and climate troubles all happening at once. But one important question is becoming louder day by day. Who actually speaks on behalf of the Global South?

In recent years, India has taken a strong step forward in playing this role. During its G20 presidency, India organised special meetings called "Voice of the Global South," where it invited many developing nations to share their problems. By doing this, India is showing that it wants to be a leader for these countries whose voices are often ignored in big global decisions. This is not just about India's own interests. It is about giving a platform to those countries who usually do not get a chair at the main table.

But India is not alone in this race. Brazil also wants to be seen as a major voice, especially on topics like fair development and climate justice. When global talks happen on money, environment and poverty, Brazil tries to speak for poorer nations. China is also doing the same thing but in its own style. It uses big infrastructure projects, loans, and groups like BRICS to build its image as a friend and leader of developing nations.

All three countries, India, Brazil and China, agree on one point. They believe the Global South can be led by a few major powers. But when we look closely, this belief becomes hard to accept fully. The reason is simple. The Global South is not one single group with one single opinion.

Unlike formal organisations such as the United Nations, the Global South has no office, no rulebook, and no proper system of representation. It is just a broad idea built on shared history, like the experience of colonialism, and political identity. The countries inside it have very different needs.

For some, the biggest worry is development, meaning better roads, jobs, money and access to technology. For others, the main concern is sovereignty, meaning the freedom to take their own decisions without pressure from big powers. This difference came out very clearly during the Russia-Ukraine war. Many Global South countries refused to pick a side. Some criticised Russia, but many stayed quiet because they needed cheap energy and trade ties. So if these countries cannot agree on one war, how can one nation claim to represent all of them?

Even during Cold War days, the Group of 77, which was an old version of this idea, was always divided. Today also, the meaning of Global South changes depending on who is using it. Indonesia uses it to talk about trade and regional growth. South Africa uses it to demand reforms in global institutions like the IMF and World Bank, where rich nations still hold most power. India uses it to push for fairness, while China uses it to challenge Western dominance.

This flexibility is exactly why the term has become so popular. Any country can fit its own meaning into it. But the same flexibility creates a big problem. If the Global South itself has no fixed boundary, then no single country can honestly claim to speak for everyone inside it.

Still, the idea matters. It gives weaker nations a common language to express their frustrations about inequality and unfair global rules. It sometimes helps them join hands on issues like climate finance and vaccine access.

But the truth is plain. Claiming to lead the Global South is much easier than actually representing it. The Global South is less like a united army and more like a noisy marketplace, where many voices are bargaining, competing, and shouting at the same time. And that reality is not going to change anytime soon.

(Girish Linganna is an award-winning science communicator and a Defence, Aerospace & Geopolitical Analyst. He is the Managing Director of ADD Engineering Components India Pvt. Ltd., a subsidiary of ADD Engineering GmbH, Germany.)

Disclaimer: The opinions expressed are solely those of the author and do not reflect the views or stance of the organization. The organization assumes no responsibility for the content shared.

Why China's Military Restructure Is Challenging Global Arms Control Rules

Anish Kumar — Tue, 28 Apr 2026 22:03:12 +0530

New Delhi: When China dissolved the Strategic Support Force and created the Information Support Force in April 2024, it simultaneously restructured the PLA's entire service architecture around categories that existing arms control frameworks were never designed to cover.

The PLA now formally lists the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Rocket Force as its four theater-grade services, with the Aerospace Force, Cyberspace Force, ISF, and Joint Logistics Support Force sitting below them as deputy-theater-grade arms directly subordinate to the Central Military Commission. The structural categories that most existing international treaties are built around do not map cleanly onto this new architecture.

'Brand-new strategic arm'

The official language used to describe the ISF reinforces the problem. A PLA spokesman characterised it as "a brand-new strategic arm of the PLA and a key underpinning of coordinated development and application of the network information system" - a phrase that sounds administrative rather than military. It describes an infrastructure function, which is substantially harder to classify as an offensive capability under international law than a new missile regiment or carrier strike group. The phrasing may be technically accurate and simultaneously misleading, which is precisely its utility.

Arms control verification depends on transparency: declared force sizes, identified capabilities, inspectable assets. The ISF's mandate spans satellite communications, AI-enabled command platforms, and network integration across services, while the separately constituted Cyberspace Force carries primary responsibility for offensive cyber operations and computer network attack. Both sit under a broader organisational umbrella that covers civilian technology transfer through military-civil fusion. No existing treaty framework was built to cover that combination simultaneously, and Beijing has not volunteered any clarification.

Xi Jinping's December 4, 2024 inspection of the ISF, reported by Xinhua, confirmed its domestic political importance without addressing its external military role. The visit generated significant coverage inside China, framing the force as a modernisation achievement, with Xi calling for leapfrog development of the PLA's network information system. Its actual capabilities, operational chain of command, and relationship to the Cyberspace Force's offensive operations were not disclosed to international observers and have not been since.

What research bodies say?

SIPRI and comparable research bodies have identified this as a structurally difficult monitoring problem. Cyber capabilities are not visible the way armoured divisions or carrier groups are. AI systems do not carry serial numbers that can be counted.

Quantum cryptography programmes exist inside national laboratory systems with civilian as well as military applications.

Monitoring any one of these in isolation is already difficult; monitoring all of them in a country that treats military-civil fusion as a stated national strategy borders on impossible under current verification frameworks.

The ISF's creation drew considerable international attention in 2024, but the ambiguity surrounding its purpose has made it difficult to characterise conclusively in policy discussions. That ambiguity is its own form of strategic utility. The harder verification challenge may lie not with the ISF's labelling but with the structural decision to constitute offensive cyber as its own independent arm - the Cyberspace Force - equally opaque and equally outside existing treaty definitions.

Together, the two forces conduct functions that Beijing has no obligation to declare, in domains that no current verification regime can monitor, under organisational labels that provide no foothold for negotiated constraint.

Viral Alert | Chinese School Uses Dolls To Teach Rebellious Students Empathy, Internet Divided

Gargi Chaudhry — Wed, 13 May 2026 14:13:25 +0530

A special education institute in eastern China that targets “problematic” teenagers has sparked controversy for allowing its students to carry toy dolls throughout the school day as part of gratitude lessons. The school accepts adolescent students who exhibit rebellious behaviour, lack motivation for studying, are addicted to online games, or display a fiery temper and early dating tendencies. Videos of students carrying toy dolls on their backs during classes and nestling them in their arms during lunch have recently gone viral on social media, according to Huashang News.

In Xuzhou, Jiangsu province, Yuanzhong Special Education School admits teenage students who are rebellious, unmotivated to learn, addicted to internet gaming, or who have a fiery temper and early dating tendencies. According to the Huashang News, footage of kids holding toy dolls in their arms at lunch and carrying them on their backs throughout class have recently gone viral on social media.

Another widely shared video has pupils crouching and walking while holding their 2.5 kilogram dolls to mimic the experience of parents training young children to walk.

A special education school in China has gone viral after making "rebellious" teenagers carry baby dolls for a week to teach them gratitude and help them understand the challenges faced by parents. pic.twitter.com/ZTqYnFKte0

— Namit (@NamitGusain23) May 13, 2026

“My legs felt numb after walking for 1 km this way. Now I understand the hardships my parents endure,” commented an unnamed student featured in the report. The school’s principal, who is known by the surname Du, explained that since their students are generally rebellious, the institution aims to implement gratitude education through unique methods.

"We encourage them to understand the challenges a mother faces during pregnancy and to experience caring for a 'baby,'" Du said. “Our hope is that students will come to appreciate their parents’ kindness, leading to a shift in their outlook on life. Moreover, our educational approach is well-regarded by parents,” he added.

Social Media Reactions

This unconventional teaching method has elicited mixed reactions on mainland social media. “It will be beneficial in teaching students to be more careful and patient,” one internet user observed.

Another person humorously commented: “These babies are too quiet. They should be crying and needing to be changed frequently – that is what a real baby does!”

“Years later, when they reflect on this experience, they might decide against having children,” commented one online observer.

These centres typically charge fees ranging from 8,000 to 20,000 yuan (US$1,200 to US$2,900) per month, employing an enclosed and military-style management approach.

Lay’s Opens A Potato-Themed Dining Experience In China, And The Internet Is Curious

Gargi Chaudhry — Wed, 27 May 2026 13:13:14 +0530

Opening a bag of chips is no longer the only thing Lay's does. Now, the well-known potato chip company has created eateries with a potato theme. It began in Madrid and has now spread to Shanghai, where PepsiCo has created unique restaurant concepts that transform the brand's most well-known component into a whole eating experience. These eateries are thoughtfully created culinary experiences that investigate how one basic ingredient—the potato—can be transformed into inventive recipes, immersive spaces, and even partnerships with the arts and fashion industries.

Pilla Tortilla, PepsiCo's first international restaurant concept under Lay's, was the company's first foray into the restaurant industry. The plan was to use Lay's chips in the recipe to reimagine Spain's well-known tortilla, the traditional potato omelette.

Tortillas can be ordered here in a variety of ways, such as slices, sandwiches, or large servings for sharing. The classic meal is given a contemporary touch by a number of toppings and taste combinations. Some versions had pulled pig, anchovies or crispy pork belly with sauces, while others used hot sausage with brie and honey.

Watch Viral Video

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by PepsiCo (@pepsico)

Additionally, the menu featured foods that went beyond tortillas, such as fish and chips prepared with Lay's Salt and Vinegar chips, mussels served with crumbled chips, and desserts that combined goat cheese, chocolate, honey, and even Lay's for contrast.

China's first Lay's Potato Restaurant

In Shanghai's hip Xintiandi neighbourhood, PepsiCo opened China's first Lay's Potato Restaurant after Madrid. Although this restaurant is only open for a short period, it is far more engaging. From the field to the completed chip, the restaurant's design aims to depict the tale of the potato.

Large, whimsical artwork with a potato theme was made in collaboration with fashion brand 8ON8 for the building's exterior. With textures, colours, and displays influenced by Lay's packaging and potato cultivation, the interior design revolves around the potato and chip motif.

Guests can move through different spaces that explain how potatoes are grown, processed and turned into chips. There are private dining rooms, open seating areas and terrace spaces that make the experience feel interactive rather than just decorative.

From appetisers and main courses to desserts and beverages, the cuisine blends Eastern and Western culinary techniques. Four mashed potato dishes that are only available in Shanghai are among the most unique items on the menu. These include octopus, prawns, strawberry and mango with mashed potatoes.

The Shanghai restaurant offers limited-edition Lay's apparel, accessories, and fashion partnerships in a dedicated merchandising department.

China: Humanoid Robot Asks For Donations To Pay 'Electricity Bills', Video Goes Viral | WATCH

Gargi Chaudhry — Sun, 21 Jun 2026 14:38:50 +0530

Humanoid robots "begging" on the street can only be seen in China! Hold on, what? A humorous video of a humanoid robot asking for money on the streets of China is making the rounds on social media. The robot had to turn to "begging" to get money for "electricity bills," according to an LED sign and a megaphone that appeared to be maintained next to the robot. "No money to recharge" and "please help with electricity bills" were being shouted over the loudspeaker, according to the Daily Mail.

The humanoid robot was shown holding hands and requesting money while seated on its "knees." Interestingly, other people were also seen assisting the "poor soul." The robot also carried a QR code for payments next to its food to make things easier.

According to Interesting Engineering, it was a Unitree G1 humanoid robot, a product of the same firm that transported Pemba, one of its humanoid robots, to the peak of Ecuador's Chimborazo volcano.

“A humanoid robot was spotted ‘begging’ for electricity in China, claiming it hadn’t been recharged for days. The unusual stunt quickly went viral on social media, with amused passersby stopping to interact with the battery-starved bot,” the post read.

The post was shared on X (formerly twitter), by the handle ‘Theeye_eagle’. The post was shared a few days ago and pulled many views from people.

Watch Viral Video

A humanoid robot was spotted “begging” for electricity in China, claiming it hadn’t been recharged for days. The unusual stunt quickly went viral on social media, with amused passersby stopping to interact with the battery-starved bot. pic.twitter.com/Mr1MS5OhjT

— The Eagle Eye (@Theeye_eagle) June 16, 2026

“Omg who gets these ideas... I couldn't stop laughing, you are a genius,” a user said. “Only in China it makes sense to spot a robot begging on the street. What is even happening?” asked the next person. “The company and its marketing is pure genius. I have nothing to say,” added another person.

Viral Video: Chinese Humanoid Robot Performs Ballet, Then Pulls Off A Stunning Surprise Move | WATCH

Gargi Chaudhry — Tue, 30 Jun 2026 16:46:58 +0530

Do you want to see a humanoid robot dance? Say no more; China appears to be the solution as always. Another Chinese video of a humanoid robot casually performing "human things" was posted online, and it went viral right away because it was both humorous, surprising, and entertaining. The Unitree humanoid robot from China was shown in the video executing a dance that resembled ballet dancing a little too closely.

However, the robot was dressed in a loose silver shirt and silver trousers rather than the usual tights that 'humans' wear. Unbelievably, though, it was the robot's "surprise move" at the conclusion that caused the video to go viral.

The robot appeared to be dancing in front of a crowd on a stage. Before the humanoid robot made an unexpected move—an sudden fall—the performance proceeded very well. At the conclusion, the robot appeared to lose its equilibrium, which caused it to abruptly tumble onto the stage.

The video quickly gained popularity and generated a lot of responses. Some called it a "choreographed sudden death," while others thought it was humorous.

Watch Viral Video

“The ending took me out. This is peak humanoid robot comedy. China’s Unitree humanoid robot starts off with some surprisingly smooth dance moves, showing just how far humanoid robots have come in balance, motion, and control. But right when it looks graceful, the performance takes an unexpected turn. From pure grace to sudden collapse, this might be one of the funniest robot moments yet,” the post read.

View this post on Instagram

A post shared by AI researches | AI (@airesearches)

Internet Reactions

“Not the robot daughter in the background. This can really only happen in China, that country is living in an entirely different time than the rest of us,” a user said. “I was already laughing before the sudden death,” added another person.

“The cap guy in the back is definitely me- cannot control laughter but has no other option but to control it,” added another. “At least this time, it didn’t randomly kick a child in the audience,” commented the next person. “I watched this too many times. This is so cute but also so funny at the same time,” added another.

Birthright Citizenship Row: Donald Trump Reposts 'India, China Hellhole' Slur; Sparks Fury

Divya Danu — Thu, 23 Apr 2026 14:18:11 +0530

Donald Trump is facing strong criticism after sharing a controversial post on his social media platform, Truth Social. The post included remarks describing countries like India and China as 'hell-holes'. The comments were originally made by Michael Savage, a political commentator, during his podcast Savage Nation. Trump reposted both the video and a written transcript, bringing the remarks to a much wider audience.

The incident has sparked anger online and raised concerns about its impact on international relations, especially with countries like India, which is a key partner of the United States.

What the controversial post said

In the reposted content, Savage criticised the idea of birthright citizenship in the United States. This is a law that gives automatic citizenship to anyone born in the country.

While arguing against this policy, Savage used harsh and offensive language. He claimed that people from countries like India and China come to the US to have children so they can gain citizenship.

He wrote that a baby born in the US becomes an 'instant citizen', and then families move from “China, or India, or some other hell-hole on the planet”.

He also made other claims about immigrants, calling some of them “gangsters with laptops” and accusing them of harming the US economy. These statements were widely criticised as racist and unsupported by evidence.

Why Trump shared the post

Trump reposted the content just a day after speaking about birthright citizenship in an interview with CNBC. In that interview, he claimed that the US is the only country that offers such a system.

However, this claim is incorrect. Around three dozen countries, including Canada and Mexico, also provide automatic citizenship to people born on their land.

By sharing Savage’s views, Trump appeared to support calls for changing the current law in the US.

What is birthright citizenship

Birthright citizenship in the United States is based on the 14th Amendment to the Constitution. This amendment says that anyone born in the US is a citizen.

This rule has been in place for more than a century and is seen as a key part of American law.

Critics like Trump argue that the system is being misused. They claim some people travel to the US late in pregnancy to ensure their child becomes a citizen. This practice is often called “birth tourism”.

Supporters of the law say it protects basic rights and prevents discrimination.

Trump’s push to change the law

Trump has long opposed birthright citizenship. After returning to office in 2025, he signed an executive order to limit automatic citizenship in certain cases.

However, many legal experts believe such changes may not be valid without altering the Constitution.

The issue is now being reviewed by the US Supreme Court. The court recently heard arguments in a case challenging Trump’s order.

Trump has said that if the court rules against him, it would harm the country financially and affect its “dignity”.

Attacks on rights groups

In the same post, Trump also criticised the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). He called the group “criminal” and suggested action against it under strict laws used for organised crime.

The ACLU is known for defending civil rights such as free speech, voting rights, and equality. It often challenges government policies in court, especially on immigration issues.

Trump’s comments against the organisation have added to the controversy.

Claims about jobs and immigration

The repost also included claims that immigrants from India and China dominate jobs in the technology sector, especially in California.

Savage suggested that this limits opportunities for others. However, no clear evidence was provided to support these claims.

Experts say the US job market is complex and shaped by many factors, including education, skills, and global demand.

Political and public reaction

The remarks have drawn criticism from many people online. Some users said the language used was offensive and harmful. There are also concerns about how such statements could affect ties between the US and countries like India and China.

President Donald Trump just called our INDIA a "hellhole" & Indian and Chinese immigrants as "gangsters with laptops" who have "stepped on our flag" . Sick to the core! Enough of this ..seriously! pic.twitter.com/CbFK7bpvSt

— Tehseen Poonawalla Official (@tehseenp) April 23, 2026

TRUMP CALLS INDIA A HELL HOLE. BREAKING: Donald Trump reposts a letter referring to India and others as “hellholes” “A baby here becomes an instant citizen and then they bring in their entire family from China, or India or some other hellhole on the planet.”Indians are… pic.twitter.com/CZlk8eLOle

— Danish Nawaz (@DanishNawaz2773) April 23, 2026

By reposting that hellhole slur, trump has officially traded his Namaste for a knife in the back, proving he’s a desperate hypocrite who fears Indian success more than he respects the global partnership he once begged forhttps://t.co/eVxJkTmKZg

— The Sacred Scroll (@SacredScroll) April 23, 2026

Trump reposting Michael Savage calling #India a hellhole. Enough is Enough. #DonaldTrump #DumpTrump pic.twitter.com/sB1rH59uBi

— Rajpal Singh Shekhawat (@Rajpal_BJP) April 23, 2026

India, in particular, is an important strategic partner for the US in areas like trade, defence and technology. Strong language against such countries can create tension.

This issue is not just about one post. It reflects a larger debate in the US about immigration, identity, and law.

Supporters of Trump say stricter rules are needed to control immigration. Critics argue that such views can divide society and spread misinformation.

The final decision on birthright citizenship will likely come from the Supreme Court. Until then, the debate is expected to continue.

Viral Alert | Marriage Meets WWE: Chinese Couple Settles Housework Debate With Wrestling Match

Gargi Chaudhry — Mon, 18 May 2026 10:10:31 +0530

A couple in southwest China decided to celebrate their marriage in a novel way by turning it into a professional wrestling bout, with the loser agreeing to perform housework for the rest of their lives. Professional wrestling is a staged fighting show, in contrast to traditional competitive sports. He Yinsheng, a professional wrestler from Zunyi in Guizhou province, and his spouse planned the event in early May at a nearby hotel. The couple built up a wrestling ring in lieu of a conventional wedding stage. A dramatic poster captioned "Groom vs. Bride" was shown on a big screen.

In a best-of-three match, the newlyweds headed their respective teams. A straightforward rule governing the game was that the losing team would be responsible for doing housework. A variety of high-impact techniques, including as body smashes, takedowns, and close-quarters grappling, were performed by the performers who entered the ring first. Visitors kept a careful eye on the event, with a few kids standing with bowls in their hands.

The bride and groom entered the ring as the festivities came to an end. The bride swiftly gained command of the match with the crowd's support. She deflected the groom's blows and used a shoulder throw to bring him down. She was pronounced the winner by the referee, who also said she would never have to do housekeeping again.

The performance kept the audience interested throughout, even though the routine had been scripted and practiced beforehand. According to He Yinsheng, every performer had received professional training, and the show's safety was the first concern. He continued by saying that because he could not let his wife handle chores, he ultimately had to lose.

He said that when he noticed the budget was exceeding expectations during wedding preparation, the thought struck him. He chose to arrange a wrestling contest rather of paying singers and dancers. Although both families acknowledged that they did not entirely comprehend the couple's decision, his wife endorsed the concept.

The couple did not share details about how they met. He said that the wedding included food and entertainment, which made guests happy to attend, and nearly 300 people came, exceeding their expectations. Additionally, he expressed optimism that the event will help spread awareness of China's professional wrestling industry, which is still a tiny subculture often seen in places like pubs, beer festivals, and yearly corporate events.

Does China Really Have a Caste System? Viral Hukou Debate Explained

Asianet Newsable English — Fri, 19 Jun 2026 15:47:20 +0530

New Delhi: We all know China as the world's manufacturing hub and a socialist nation run by the Communist party. But a serious allegation is now doing the rounds on the internet: that China has a rigid, birth-based caste system. Indian netizens are claiming this system decides a person's access to education, health, and life opportunities. So, is there really a caste system in China? Let's find out the real story.

Officially, China champions socialist equality. In recent years, social media has been flooded with slick videos of China's beautiful cities, massive buildings, and efficient systems. But some Indians living there have started showing the world the 'real' China, claiming that just like in India, a form of caste system exists from birth.

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This debate blew up after Indian users and several others on X started posting comparisons between China's social structure and India's caste system. They argued that a person's progress is decided by the family they are born into, pointing to China's 'Hukou' household registration system as proof. They directly accused this system of creating discrimination in education, healthcare, welfare schemes, and economic growth.

In China, The Hukou system is state-enforced, birth-based caste system. It legally divides people into Upper-Caste Urban elites and Lower-Caste Rural (Nong/Gong/Shang) untouchables from birth. The Shi CCP keeps its lower-caste people trapped in poverty forever. pic.twitter.com/NtxkYV2sc1

— आदर्श (@im_adarsh01) June 18, 2026

CHINA HUKOU CASTE DISCRIMINATION EXPOSEDIn India , according to British inducted caste system SC ST BC classified people get more priority for their uplifting financially and socially. On the Contrary China still discriminates and prevents lower caste from getting admission in…

— Pattern Preacher (@chanakyaspeakss) June 19, 2026

In China , lower caste Nong workers are given cheap yellow helmets, while upper caste Shi managers are given strong, red colored helmets. pic.twitter.com/I5jnfqtGSH

— Sharroh (@Sharroh45) June 19, 2026

This is the condition of a college hostel in China . pic.twitter.com/Ra7sdqNn4C

— Sharroh (@Sharroh45) June 16, 2026

In China this is how Lower-Caste Chinese (Nong, Gong, Shang) are forced to live. Meanwhile the Evil Upper Caste "Shi" elites enjoy luxury skyscrapers and luxury life.For centuries the Shi Regime has oppressed them And the Truth is finally out.pic.twitter.com/1ZQmlqKDR9

— आदर्श (@im_adarsh01) June 18, 2026

However, some people have pushed back against this comparison. They argue that comparing the Hukou system to India's caste system is wrong. They say Hukou is just an administrative and economic classification, not a social structure. Some even claimed that Indians are just looking at China through the lens of their own 'four-tiered ancient social system'.

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Ancient China's 'Four Professions' Hierarchy (Shi-Nong-Gong-Shang)

When Indians talk about a caste system in China, they usually bring up two things. First, the ancient social hierarchy called 'Shi-Nong-Gong-Shang', and second, the modern 'Hukou' system which is still in place. Before the Communist party came to power, Chinese society was divided into these four professional groups:

Shi: Scholars and officials (the highest position in society)
Nong: Farmers (second, as agriculture was seen as essential for the nation's survival)
Gong: Artisans and labourers (third position)
Shang: Merchants and traders (last, as Confucian thinkers were suspicious of those who made profits)

China’s hukou vs India’s caste system: Is it a fair comparison? pic.twitter.com/8qJ8mtefIr

— Ankit (@Extreo_) June 19, 2026

This is the reality of communism in China.Ancient China use to have a caste system. "Shi" people were at the top. "Shang" people and "Jianmin" people were at the bottom.In 1958, the Hukou system permanently classified Chinese citizens at birth based on their ancestral region… pic.twitter.com/5dPxp5f1Pr

— Incognito (@Incognito_qfs) June 15, 2026

According to historians, this system was formalised during the 'Han Dynasty' around 111 AD. But historians say it shouldn't be compared to India's caste system. It was a classification based on profession, not a strictly hereditary system. The son of a merchant could study, pass the imperial exams, and become a high-ranking official. So, they say it was closer to India's ancient 'Varna system' rather than a rigid caste system.

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The Communist Era's 'Hukou' System (Still in use today)

Even though the old professional system is gone, the 'Hukou' household registration system, introduced in the 1950s, divides people into two groups and provides benefits based on birth. You can think of it as China's 'internal passport'. It decides whether a citizen is a rural resident or an urban resident based on their registration. Their access to education, healthcare, housing, and social security depends on this status.

In his book 'A Social Dharmic History of India', author Aravindan Neelakandan argues that Mao Zedong's government turned the Hukou system into an extremely cruel and rigid form of social stratification. "The Hukou system gave officials the power to determine a person's position, role, and available resources right from birth," he wrote.

From 1959, this Hukou status became hereditary. This meant that the children of rural farmers were strictly prevented from migrating and settling in cities. Anthropologists Sulamith Potter and Jack Potter have even called it a "caste-like barrier".

Why do scholars call it an 'urban caste system'?

It's not just Indians who are making this comparison. A Dean at the Chinese University of Hong Kong actually titled an essay "The Chinese Urban Caste System in Transition"!

According to him, China introduced this system to speed up Soviet-style industrialisation. The profits from rural agriculture were used for urban development. As a result, urban residents got guaranteed jobs, subsidised housing, healthcare, and pensions, while rural residents were left out of all these benefits. This effectively created two classes of citizens in China.

According to the US-based 'Diplomatic Courier' magazine, even if people with a rural Hukou move to the city, they are given low-paying, highly dangerous jobs. This has led not just to economic inequality but also to social discrimination. The magazine analysed that China has divided itself into "two separate nations".

So, does China really have a caste system?

European colonisers used the word 'caste' to describe India's profession-based system. The word 'caste' itself comes from the Spanish and Portuguese word 'casta', which means "breed, race, or lineage". Its root is the Latin word 'castus', meaning "pure or chaste". This means such hierarchical systems also existed in Europe. So, the answer to whether China has a caste system depends on how we define 'caste':

Yes: If we consider 'caste' to be a system that distributes opportunities, education, health, and resources discriminatorily based on birth, then China's 'Hukou' system shows major signs of being a caste system.

No: But, if 'caste' is not just about birth-based benefits but also includes endogamy (marrying within the community), religious rituals, concepts of purity and pollution, and a deep cultural identity, then China's Hukou system definitely does not fit this description.

However, one thing is undeniable: the Hukou system has created a massive social divide in modern China. Whether to call it a 'caste system' or an 'administrative classification' remains a topic of global debate.

Why 'Natasha' Doll Trend Is Triggering Anger Across Social Media

Divya Danu — Thu, 18 Jun 2026 19:21:19 +0530

Videos showing people violently mistreating a dark-skinned "Natasha" doll have sparked criticism after spreading from Chinese social media to int'l platforms. The trend has drawn concern from anti-racism advocates, China's consumer watchdog and media

A social media trend centred on a toy called 'Natasha' has sparked widespread criticism after videos showing the doll being violently mistreated spread online. The clips first gained attention on Chinese social media before being widely shared on international platforms, where they prompted debate over both the violent content and its possible racial message.

Stress-relief doll 'Natasha' GOES VIRAL in China, dark-skinned version is 'MOST POPULAR'China's Black community calls the toy 'ABSOLUTELY DIABOLICAL' pic.twitter.com/FXFFltsJtk

— RT (@RT_com) June 13, 2026

According to reports by The Washington Informer, the 'Natasha' doll is designed to resemble a dark-skinned child. Videos circulating online show people hitting, dragging, throwing, stomping on and stretching the doll, with many users presenting the acts as entertainment or a way to relieve stress.

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The controversy grew after Hong Kong Free Press reported concerns from members of Hong Kong's Black community and anti-racism campaigners. Some videos reportedly showed the dolls being boiled and subjected to other forms of extreme abuse before the clips were uploaded to social media.

The reports also said that the China Consumers Association and Chinese state media expressed concern about the trend. Their criticism mainly focused on the violent nature of the videos, warning that such content could encourage harmful behaviour and expose children to disturbing material.

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As the videos spread beyond China, many viewers questioned whether repeatedly targeting a doll designed to look like a dark-skinned child carried racial implications.

Meet the Natasha DollThis doll has gone viral in China as it it used as a stress relief dollIn viral videos on Douyin and Xiaohongshu, users punched, stomped on, squeezed, stretched, threw, tore apart, and poured hot or boiling water over the black Natasha doll. Some clips… pic.twitter.com/AXqftTra38

— Norma Kay (@realnorma_kay) June 10, 2026

While there is no evidence that every person making or sharing the videos intended a racist message, critics argued that the choice of doll made the trend especially troubling. Others said the clips reflected a lack of sensitivity and called for greater awareness of how such content could be viewed by audiences around the world.

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The trend has triggered thousands of comments across social media platforms. Many users said they found the idea of buying a child-like doll simply to abuse it deeply disturbing. Others questioned why adults would take part in such videos and criticised the trend for turning violence into entertainment.

For those asking for context here it isNote : these Black baby toys are being used as socks, shower etc and are also abusedDo yall even understand how insane this is?????? https://t.co/MZ7YBjGh1a pic.twitter.com/u7b8GcWnRF

— . (@carterdalast) May 29, 2026

Some users also expressed concern that repeatedly attacking a dark-skinned doll could reinforce harmful stereotypes or normalise racist behaviour. Several called for the videos to be removed and for social media platforms to take stronger action against content that promotes violence.

At the same time, some commenters urged people not to jump to conclusions before all the facts were known, arguing that discussions should be based on verified information rather than assumptions.

The viral trend has opened a wider discussion about social media challenges, online moderation and the responsibility of content creators. It has also highlighted concerns about how violent online content can spread quickly across borders and reach young audiences.

Although the debate continues, many people agree that videos encouraging violence, even when involving toys, deserve closer attention. The discussion has now expanded beyond the doll itself to include questions about online behaviour, responsible content creation and the impact such trends may have on viewers around the world.

Tremors Felt Across North India, Pakistan After 6.2-Magnitude Earthquake Hits Afghanistan

Divya Danu — Sat, 27 Jun 2026 19:40:26 +0530

A strong 6.2-magnitude earthquake struck Afghanistan's Hindu Kush region on Saturday evening, with tremors felt across several countries, including parts of Pakistan and northwest India. According to the National Center for Seismology (NCS), the earthquake occurred at 7:04:51 pm IST on 27 June 2026 at a depth of 215 kilometres, with its epicentre located at 36.442°N latitude and 70.672°E longitude in northeastern Afghanistan.

EQ of M: 6.2, On: 27/06/2026 19:04:51 IST, Lat: 36.442 N, Long: 70.672 E, Depth: 215 Km, Location: Afghanistan. For more information Download the BhooKamp App https://t.co/5gCOtjdtw0 @DrJitendraSingh @OfficeOfDrJS @DrNKalaiselvi @GSuresh_NCS @ndmaindia pic.twitter.com/lD494VYeiW

— National Center for Seismology (@NCS_Earthquake) June 27, 2026

Tremors reported across countries

The epicentre was around 81 kilometres from Kalafgan, and the tremors were reported across Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, China, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan. Residents in several areas experienced mild shaking, prompting many to step out of buildings as a precaution.

Despite the wide impact, there were no immediate reports of casualties or property damage. The considerable depth of the earthquake allowed seismic waves to travel over a large geographical area, making the tremors noticeable across multiple countries. However, deep-focus earthquakes are generally less likely to cause severe destruction at the surface than shallow earthquakes.

Earthquakes in Pakistan on Friday

Earlier on Friday evening, an earthquake of magnitude 5.3 struck Pakistan.

EQ of M: 5.3, On: 26/06/2026 17:18:49 IST, Lat: 30.273 N, Long: 69.710 E, Depth: 75 Km, Location: Pakistan. For more information Download the BhooKamp App https://t.co/5gCOtjdtw0 @DrJitendraSingh @OfficeOfDrJS @DrNKalaiselvi @GSuresh_NCS @ndmaindia pic.twitter.com/AlibsbQbWf

— National Center for Seismology (@NCS_Earthquake) June 26, 2026

National Center for Seismology also recorded earthquake of magnitude 5..5 on Friday morning in Pakistan.

EQ of M: 5.5, On: 27/06/2026 08:36:23 IST, Lat: 30.271 N, Long: 69.733 E, Depth: 40 Km, Location: Pakistan. For more information Download the BhooKamp App https://t.co/5gCOtjdtw0 @DrJitendraSingh @OfficeOfDrJS @DrNKalaiselvi @GSuresh_NCS @ndmaindia pic.twitter.com/HeFDYexexW

— National Center for Seismology (@NCS_Earthquake) June 27, 2026

There were no immediate reports of major damage or casualties. Authorities continue to monitor the situation as further assessments are carried out.

(With inputs from agencies)

Global Military Spending Explodes to $2.9 Trillion Amid Wars: What Is the World Preparing For?

Asianet Newsable English — Mon, 27 Apr 2026 11:01:11 +0530

Global military spending reached nearly $2.9 trillion in 2025, marking an 11th consecutive year of growth, researchers said Monday, as insecurity and rearmament fuelled defence budgets.

The three top spenders -- the United States, China and Russia -- spent a combined total of $1.48 trillion, just over half of global expenditure.

Spending rose by 2.9 percent compared with 2024, despite a reduction by the US, the world's biggest spender, according to a report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

Researcher Lorenzo Scarazzato told AFP the decrease from the US was more than offset by increases in Europe and Asia, as the world marked "another year of wars and increased tensions".

Scarazzato said this was also reflected in the global "military burden" -- the share of worldwide GDP devoted to military spending -- which reached its highest level since 2009.

"Everything points to a world that feels less secure and is spending on its military to compensate for the global landscape," he said.

The US spent $954 billion, 7.5 percent less than in 2024, largely because no new financial military aid to Ukraine was approved. By contrast, Washinhton pledged a total of $127 billion to Kyiv over the previous three years.

But the decrease is expected to be short-lived as the US Congress has approved spending of over $1 trillion for 2026, which could rise to $1.5 trillion in 2027 if US President Donald Trump's budget proposal passes.

The main driver of the global increase was Europe -- including Russia and Ukraine -- where spending surged 14 percent to $864 billion.

"That is driven by two major factors. One is the ongoing war in Ukraine, and the other is the decreased US engagement with Europe," Scarazzato said.

He explained that the US is "pushing for Europe to take more care of its own defence".

Germany, the fourth-largest spender, raised expenditure by 24 percent in 2025 to $114 billion.

Spain also recorded a 50 percent jump to $40.2 billion, pushing military spending above two percent of GDP for the first time since 1994.

Middle East tensions

The ongoing war in Ukraine saw both Russia and Ukraine increase their military spending, with each recording the highest share of government spending allocated to the military.

Russia's spending rose 5.9 percent to $190 billion, equivalent to 7.5 percent of GDP.

Ukraine meanwhile boosted spending by 20 percent to $84.1 billion -- a staggering 40 percent of GDP.

Despite persistent tensions in the Middle East, expenditure in the region rose only marginally, by 0.1 percent, to $218 billion.

While most countries in the region increased spending, Israel and Iran actually recorded declines.

In Iran, it fell 5.6 percent to $7.4 billion, but this was mostly due to high annual inflation of 42 percent. In nominal terms, spending actually rose.

Israel's 4.9 percent drop to $48.3 billion reflected a reduced intensity in the Gaza war after a January 2025 ceasefire deal, the researchers explained, while noting Israeli spending was still 97 percent higher than in 2022.

In Asia and Oceania, spending reached $681 billion, an 8.5 percent increase from 2024 -- the region's largest annual increase since 2009.

Scarazzato said the "major player" in the region was China, which has been increasing spending every year for the past three decades, and spent an estimated $336 billion in 2025.

"But perhaps what's interesting is the reaction of some other states, such as South Korea, Japan, and Taiwan, reacting to the threat perception," he said.

Japan raised military expenditure by 9.7 percent, to $62.2 billion in 2025, equivalent to 1.4 percent of GDP -- its highest share since 1958 -- while Taiwan increased its spending by 14 percent to $18.2 billion.

(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by Asianet Newsable English staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)

TV, Projector, Loft Bed And More: Indian Vlogger Finds ₹1,100 Duplex Hotel Room In China, Internet Stunned (WATCH)

Gargi Chaudhry — Sun, 24 May 2026 16:51:56 +0530

Social media fans were astounded by the facilities supplied at the price when an Indian travel vlogger's video of a cheap hotel room in China for about ₹1,100 per night went popular on Instagram.

Anant, an Instagram user with the handle @onroadindian, offered viewers a tour of what he called a "loft room" in Chengdu, a significant Chinese city, in the video. He said that the lodging was close to the city center and only cost him ₹1,100 per day, comparing Chengdu to Ahmedabad in terms of size and scale.

“Come, let me show you how China is living. What all can China give you for just ₹1,100? Take a close look,” he said at the start of the clip in Hindi. The YouTuber then took viewers on a tour of the space, highlighting amenities including an induction cooktop, kettle, refrigerator, washing machine, towels and a small bathroom. Along with a giant television and a bed and chandelier on the upper floor of a duplex, the room also had a couch lounging space.

The YouTuber claimed that the projector setup next to the sleeping area was "one of the most interesting things" about the space. He said, "Set up the projector screen here, connect your device, and watch whatever you want."

Sharing the video on Instagram, Anant wrote, “This is what you get in ₹1100 in China. Despite inflation and expensive accommodation, still, the tourism industry is relatively cheaper in China. And this is not a small city. This is a very big city named Chengdu. And it is near the city centre.”

Watch Viral Video

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A post shared by Anant M (@onroadindian)

Social Media Reactions

The post immediately generated internet debate, with many people contrasting the facilities and cost of hotels in China and India.

One person remarked, "Bro, Chengdu might be smaller compared to China's biggest cities like Beijing and Shanghai — kind of like Ahmedabad is compared to Mumbai or Bangalore — but honestly, if you compare Chengdu to almost any Indian city, even Mumbai or Bangalore, it's way better."

"Bro, I went to Chennai and it cost me around 1500 per day and doesn't have any aesthetic just AC and two beds area room," another person said.

A third person said, "That's a good thing better than Indian hotels jaha per night 2500-2800 charge letey hai."